Dynamics of Change in the Political Identity of Ukrainians as a Result of the War with Russia

Oleksii Valevskyi

National Institute of Strategic Studies

in Kiev

walewsk@gmail.com

ORCID: 0000-0003-0403-0277

DYNAMICS OF CHANGE IN THE POLITICAL

IDENTITY OF UKRAINIANS AS A RESULT

OF THE WAR WITH RUSSIA

DYNAMIKA ZMIAN TOŻSAMOŚCI POLITYCZNEJ

UKRAIŃCÓW W WYNIKU WOJNY Z ROSJĄ

Abstract: Russia’s military invasion of Ukraine provided the impetus that radically contributed

to the consolidation of Ukrainian society and the formation of new valuable identity struc-

tures for citizens. The massive transformation in the social consciousness of Ukrainian so-

ciety caused by the military aggression is still ongoing. The results of sociological research

indicate that signicant value transformations have been recorded in the social consciousness,

the content of which gives grounds to conclude that a process of formation of new socio-

-cultural identity structures is taking place. Therefore, there is a need to study the dynamics

of political changes and value attitudes of social consciousness under the conditions of resistance

to the military aggression of the Russian Federation. The research task is to determine the dir-

ection of the formation of new identity components under conditions of military aggression.

Also, there is an urgent need to investigate the conceptual basis for the formation of a renewed

identity in the post-war period, which will aim to restore the economic and social foundations

of society. Therefore, attention should be paid to identifying the strategic directions of identity

politics in the post-war period. The conclusions obtained will be useful in the formation of state

identity policy, which is relevant for Ukrainian society in the context of the implementation

of the state’s integration with the EU.

Zarys treści: Wojskowa inwazja Rosji na Ukrainę stała się impulsem, który radykalnie

przyczynił się do konsolidacji społeczeństwa ukraińskiego i ukształtowania now-

ych wartościowych struktur tożsamości obywateli. Wciąż trwają ogromne przemiany

w świadomości społecznej ukraińskiego społeczeństwa, spowodowane agresją wojskową.

Wyniki badań socjologicznych wskazują, że w świadomości społecznej odnotowano is-

totne przemiany wartości, których treść daje podstawy do stwierdzenia, że zachodzi

proces kształtowania się nowych struktur tożsamości społeczno-kulturowej. Istnieje za-

tem potrzeba zbadania dynamiki zmian politycznych i wartościowych postaw świadomości

społecznej w warunkach oporu wobec agresji wojskowej Federacji Rosyjskiej. Zadaniem

83gl;;

Nr 7 ss. 83–93 2022

ISSN 2543–7321 Przyjęto: 28.09.2022

Oryginalna praca badawcza DOI: 10.34858/SNB.7.2022.007

STUDIA NAD BEZPIECZEŃSTWEM

84 Oleksii Valevskyi

badawczym jest określenie kierunku kształtowania się nowych komponentów tożsamości

w warunkach agresji wojskowej. Również istnieje pilna potrzeba zbadania koncep-

cyjnych podstaw kształtowania się odnowionej tożsamości w okresie powojennym, która

będzie miała na celu przywrócenie ekonomicznych i społecznych podstaw społeczeństwa.

Dlatego należy zwrócić uwagę na określenie strategicznych kierunków polityki

tożsamościowej w okresie powojennym. Uzyskane wnioski będą przydatne w kształtowaniu

państwowej polityki tożsamościowej, która jest istotna dla społeczeństwa ukraińskiego

w kontekście realizacji państwowego kursu integracyjnego z UE.

Keywords: Russian-Ukrainian war, Ukrainian identity, identity politics in Ukraine

Słowa kluczowe: wojna rosyjsko-ukraińska, tożsamość ukraińska, polityka tożsamościowa na

Ukrainie

Methodology and empirical data

In this article the concept of “national identity” is used as a dynamic set of in-

dicators of values and meanings through which the individual and society dene

themselves in the context of a political, cultural and historical process. The concepts

of “personal identity” and “social identity” indicate how an entity (personality

or social group) relates to more general social entities by means of certain values

and meanings.

National identity denotes a specic system of political, cultural and social pat-

terns of action and values created by the state, public institutions and national elites.

The national identity is the basis for the formation of the cultural-historical and po-

litical space in the context of which individuals and social groups correlate (identify

themselves) with society and the state.

A signicant component of national identity is also the set of perceptions of indi-

viduals and social groups regarding the historical past and models of future social de-

velopment. National identity settings determine the goal-setting vectors that determ-

ine the economic, security and social policies of the state.

The state and social institutions implement identity politics, which is a set

of historical, linguistic, ethnic and cultural policies for the construction of the na-

tion. In this respect, the concept of “identity politics” is used as a system of mo-

bilisation activities on the part of the state and social institutions to shape certain

value attitudes and models of action that form the basis of identity. Identity politics

aims to consolidate dierent social groups in order to achieve socially meaningful

goals.

The importance of national identity for the preservation of the state is pointed out

by the famous ideologist of modern liberalism, F. Fukuyama. He sees in Ukraine’s

struggle against the aggression of the Russian Federation an example of combin-

ing attitudes of national identity with the foundations of the liberal state system,

which have a universal supranational character. Fukuyama notes that the initiators

of the aggression believed that Ukraine had no identity of its own, separate from

Dynamics of Change in the Political Identity of Ukrainians as a Result of the War with Russia

Russia, and that the Ukrainian state would cease to exist as soon as the invasion

began. Instead, the stable national identity of the Ukrainian people and their loyalty

to the liberal-democratic system formed the basis of resistance to external military

aggression. Fukuyama assumes that if the war succeeds in undermining Ukrainian

independence and democracy, the world will return to an era of aggressive nation-

alism reminiscent of the early 20th century. However, if the aggression is defeated

and “Putin leads Russia to military and economic defeat, then there will be a chance

to re-learn the liberal lesson that power uno.estricted by law leads to national cata-

strophe and to revive the ideals of a free and democratic world.”1

The empirical basis of our research was the use of data from representative

sociological opinion polls to determine the dynamics of changes in the socio-political

views of Ukrainian citizens, which allowed us to draw conclusions about the transform-

ation of their socio-cultural identity.

Dynamics of change in the identity structure of Ukrainians

Throughout the years of state independence, from 1991 onwards, the conscious-

ness of Ukrainian society comprehended the enormous social, economic and politi-

cal changes brought about by the destruction of the Soviet system. The process of

the formation of the socio-cultural identity of Ukrainians was complex and full of

contradictions. Many layers of the population had to abandon their usual values inher-

ited from the Soviet era.

Resistance to Russia’s military aggression contributed to the consolidation of so-

ciety and the strengthening of identity values. This is especially true in the regions

of southern and eastern Ukraine. In these dramatic times, Ukrainians have shown

unprecedented examples of consolidation.

In support of this, we cite the results of a survey conducted by the RATING

Sociology Group, which showed a signicant increase in consolidation attitudes

in the public mind. If, prior to the start of the armed invasion in August 2021,

34% of respondents indicated that they felt proud of the state, according to the survey

conducted after the start of the war, in April 2022, there was an overwhelming 80%

majority for such a view. The conducted survey showed that such a feeling dominates

the minds of respondents, regardless of age or region of residence. The aforemen-

tioned survey showed that the number of citizens who identify themselves as citizens

of Ukraine increased from 75% in August 2021 to 98% in April 2022, and as Europe-

ans from 27% to 57% respectively. At the same time, the level of self-identication

of respondents within the “Soviet person” matrix decreased signicantly from 21%

in August 2021 to 7% in April 2022. The indicated trends dominate across all age,

1 Fukuyama, F., A Country of Their Own. Liberalism Needs the Nation. Foreign Aairs, May/ June

2022, https://www.foreignaairs.com/articles/ukraine/2022-04-01/francis-fukuyama-liberalism

country?check_logged_in=1&utm_medium=promo_email&utm_source=lo_flows&utm_

campaign=registered_user_welcome&utm_term=email_1&utm_content=20220505, [accessed:

22.08.2022].

86 Oleksii Valevskyi

and regional groups. The survey also showed that the population does not support

the narrative that “Russians and Ukrainians are one nation.” The vast majority of re-

spondents (91%) disagree.2

The Russian-Ukrainian war has provided the public consciousness with an impetus

to reassess the importance of Ukraine’s European integration course. All the arguments

of the proponents of the notorious Eurasian vector disappeared. Broad layers of the pop-

ulation clearly realised the urgent need for Ukraine’s European integration. According

to the results of opinion polls, the number of supporters of Ukraine’s accession to the EU

increased signicantly during the period of armed aggression. As of January 2023, 87%

of respondents supported Ukraine’s accession to the EU and 86% to NATO. It should

be noted that support for EU and NATO accession is virtually unanimous among citi-

zens by region, age and wealth. This is an unpre-cedented level of support for the entire

period of the sociological survey. Ukrainians are also positive about Ukraine’s possible

participation in military-political alliances outside NATO. Thus, 85% of those surveyed

support the idea of creating a military-political union consisting of Ukraine, Poland and

the UK. 80% have a positive attitude towards the idea of creating a military-political

union composed of Ukraine, Poland and Lithuania.3

The trends recorded indicate that a critical majority of supporters of Ukraine’s

European integration course has formed in society. It can be argued that, in general,

there has been a historic choice by citizens in favour of a pluralistic society, soli-

darity-based social relations and the rule of law, i.e. those social and state values

with which the European community is identied.

Nevertheless, there are many gaps in Ukrainians’ understanding of the specic

problems we will have to deal with along the way. Thus, according to the Kiev In-

ternational Institute of Sociology, 62% of respondents are convinced that Ukraine

should defend its interests and disagree with the demands made during European

integration. At the same time, 31% of respondents agree that Ukraine should ap-

prove all necessary laws and meet all EU requirements in order to join the EU

as soon as possible.4

Signs of signicant changes in public awareness include, in particular, changes

in Ukrainians’ attitudes towards the Soviet past. The results of the opinion poll show

a drastic decrease in the number of respondents with nostalgia for the Soviet past

– from 46% in 2010 to 11% in 2022. The vast majority of respondents, 87%, do

not regret the past USSR. As is well known, the values inherited from the Soviet

era have had a long-term impact on the behavioural attitudes of the Ukrainian

2 Eighth national survey: Ukraine in war conditions (April 6, 2022). Sociological group

"Rating&quot, https://ratinggroup.ua/research/ukraine/vosmoy_obschenacionalnyy_op

ros_ukraina_v_usloviyah_voyny_6_aprelya_2022.html, [accessed: 22.08.2022].

3 Twentieth national survey: foreign policy attitudes of the population (January 14-16, 2023), So-

ciological group "Rating&quot, https://ratinggroup.ua/research/ukraine/dvadcyate_zagal

nonac_onalne_opituvannya_zovn_shnopol_tichn_nastro_naselennya_14-16_s_chnya_2023.

html, [accessed: 22.08.2022].

4 Should Ukraine fulll all the requirements of the EU in order to join as soon as possible? Kyi-

vInternational Institute of Sociology, July 2022, https://kiis.com.ua/?lang=ukr&cat=repor

ts&id=1126&page=4, [accessed: 01.09.2022].

Dynamics of Change in the Political Identity of Ukrainians as a Result of the War with Russia

population, giving rise to all sorts of propaganda speculation about a “shared”

historical past. As can be seen, this valuable and signicant legacy has indeed been

overcome.5

Countering Russian military aggression has contributed to the political con-

solidation of society. As the results of opinion polls show, the alienation of power

and society has signicantly decreased. As is well known, this problem has long been

a feature of political discourse and has often negatively aected the eectiveness

of state policy. As the poll results show, during the period of armed aggression, 80%

of respondents believe that things in Ukraine are moving in the right direction.

Only 10% have the opposite opinion. The perception of the state of aairs as correct

is dominant in all regions and age groups.6 The data obtained can obviously be seen

as evidence of the high degree of consolidation of society.

A sign of consolidation is also the high level of citizens’ support for the gov-

ernment’s actions. Thus, prior to the start of military action in November 2021,

when assessing the eciency of the state, 44% of citizens noted that the central

authorities were struggling to full their duties. In contrast, in December 2022, only

9.3% of people were reported to have negatively assessed the work of the author-

ities. In November 2021, the statement that “central authorities cope with almost

all their duties” was agreed with by 5.2% of respondents. In December 2022,

this gure was 41%.7

The military aggression contributed to the strengthening of mutual assistance

among Ukrainians. Thus, 95% of respondents stated that during the war they did not

have enough material resources to live comfortably. At the same time, 81% of re-

spondents indicated that they made monetary donations to the Ukrainian army, 63%

donated money or other items to internally displaced persons, and 60% donated to

humanitarian needs.8

One sign of political consolidation is the unprecedented level of support for

Ukraine’s democratic path. According to the results of a survey conducted in May

2022, 95% of respondents said it was important or very important to them for

Ukraine to become a democratic society. This compares to 76% before the war began

in December 2021. Freedom of speech, fair justice, and free and fair elections were

named by respondents as the most important features of democracy.9

5 Tenth National Survey: Ideological Markers of War. April 27, 2022. Sociological group"

Rating&quot, Adres URL: https://ratinggroup.ua/research/ukraine/desyatyy_obschenacional-

nyy_opros_ideologicheskie_markery_voyny_27_aprelya_2022.html, [accessed: 22.08.2022].

6 Ninth National Survey: Assessments of International Partnerships. Sociological group "

Rating&quot, April 26, 2022. URL, https://ratinggroup.ua/research/ukraine/devyatyy_obsche-

nacionalnyy_opros_ocenki_mezhdunarodnogo_partnerstva_26_aprelya_2022.html, [accessed:

22.08.2022].

7 Public opinion in Ukraine after 10 months of war. Kyiv International Institute of Sociology,

15.01.2023, Adres URL: https://kiis.com.ua/?lang=ukr&cat=reports&id=1175&amp

;page=1, [accessed: 22.08.2022].

8 Opportunities and obstacles on the path of democratic transition of Ukraine, Kyiv International

Institute of Sociology, 20.09.2022, https://kiis.com.ua/materials/pr/20220920_o/August%20

2022_wartime%20survey%20Public%20n%20UKR.pdf, [accessed: 22.08.2022].

9 Ibidem.

88 Oleksii Valevskyi

There are signicant changes in identity based on linguistic features. The position

of the Ukrainian language in society is strengthening, especially in the sphere of in-

terpersonal communication. According to the results of a study by the sociological

group RATING in 2022, 51% of respondents said that they speak Ukrainian at home

(compared to 37% in 2012). There was also a signicant decline in the level of con-

sumption of Russian news content. For example, 46% of respondents said they had

stopped watching Russian TV series and 43% had stopped listening to Russian music

artists.10

Finally, it is important to note that despite the huge losses and destruction caused

by the war with Russia, 95.7% of Ukrainians express a rm belief in victory.

Cultural and educational policies in identity formation

The Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine has initiated a review of edu-

cational curricula in the general secondary education system to counteract the inu-

ence of the “Russian peace” ideology that accompanied armed aggression. In par-

ticular, signicant revisions have been made to history curricula aimed at students’

understanding of contemporary events. For example, the updated curricula present

the USSR as an imperial-type state. Recent history curricula have undergone sig-

nicant changes. In particular, innovations have been made that point to the geno-

cidal actions of Russia’s political leadership and the Russian army against Ukrainians,

national resistance to aggression and international support for Ukraine. In addition,

updated educational programmes for ction will study the works of classics of world

literature instead of Russian.11

As part of the decommunisation and Russication policy, in 2015-2016, more than

51,000 toponymic objects (streets, squares and plazas) and 991 settlements were re-

named, and about 2,500 monuments were demolished. Since the beginning of the war,

approximately 2,200 toponyms in 33 cities have been renamed on a large scale.12

In the area of cultural policy, let us identify a few initiatives that were aimed

at developing socio-cultural identity.

After the start of the war some Ukrainian creative collectives and cultural in-

stitutions abandoned names containing the word “Russian”, the names of Russians

in the names of these institutions, as well as repertoire of Russian origin. According

to the Ministry of Culture and Information of Ukraine, in 2022, more than 2,500

10 Seventeenth nationwide survey: identity, patriotism, values Sociologcalroup &quotRating&

quot;, (August 17-18, 2022), https://ratinggroup.ua/researchukraine/s_mnadcyate_zagalno-

nac_onalne_opituvannya_dentichn_st_patr_otizm_c_n_nost_17-18_serpnya_2022.html, [ac-

cess: 22.08.2022].

11 The content of general secondary education curricula has been updated. Ministry of Education

and Science of Ukraine, August 16, 2022, https://mon.gov.ua/ua/news/onovleno-zmist-nav-

chalnih-program-zso, [accessed: 22.08.2022].

12 Onyshchenko, V., De-Russication and decommunization of names: how Ukrainian cities are-

changing, https://transparentcities.in.ua/articles/derusykatsiia-ta-dekomunizatsiia-nazv-yak-

-zminiuiutsia-ukrainski-mista, [accessed: 22.08.2022].

Dynamics of Change in the Political Identity of Ukrainians as a Result of the War with Russia

artistic actions and projects in support of Ukraine were realised abroad, and more

than 500 concerts of national artistic groups and theatres were held abroad. There

are more than 20 dierent cultural studies projects on the United Digital Platform

of Culture and Media, created by the Ministry of Culture together with partners

and volunteers. More than 120 tonnes of humanitarian aid were delivered to more

than 230 museums and libraries in Ukraine through the Heritage Rescue Headquar-

ters. The Cultural Heritage Restoration Fund became operational. In 2023, projects

such as “Ukrainian Youth is a European Book!” on the restoration of library funds

of cultural and educational institutions, and “Tales of EUkraine” printing of more

than 300,000 children’s books by Ukrainian authors abroad and distribution

of these books in schools and kindergartens abroad are planned.13

It should be noted that the given list of projects and activities aimed at using edu-

cational and cultural means in the formation of socio-cultural identity is not complete.

The importance of identity politics

The elimination of various forms of alienation between citizens and the state

during the dramatic trials of armed aggression, the signicant changes in foreign

policy directions, the re-evaluation of the historical past, in particular the destruction

of the value matrix of the “Soviet (soviet) man”, as well as the support for the course

of European integration point to signicant changes in social consciousness and, con-

sequently, to the formation of a renewed identity of Ukrainian citizens.

The high level of consolidation around certain value attitudes, which is deter-

mined by both regional and age characteristics, is indicative of the generally historical

choice of Ukrainian citizens in favour of a democratic social system. There are no

grounds for seeing Ukraine as a “failed state” or a “torn state”. Regional, linguistic

and political dierences have proven to be secondary to the threat of military ag-

gression. Consolidating structures prevailed. Values of solidarity, a sense of com-

mon destiny and common culture prevailed. At the same time, attempts to “denazify”

society, to discredit the cultural values and historical meanings of Ukrainian society,

as sought by the Russian political leadership at the beginning of the military aggression,

were defeated.

Attention was drawn to the factor of consolidated support for the values of de-

mocracy and the course of European integration, as evidenced by sociological

research. This means that the image of the future Ukrainian society, associated with a set

of European values and forms of organisation of public life and the state, has become

consolidated in the consciousness of broad sections of society, regardless of region

of residence and age.

As is well known, before the Russian invasion, Ukrainian society was characterised

by the fact that large social strata of the population sometimes adhered to opposing

13 Ministry of Culture and Information Policy: 2022 victories and plans for 2023, https://mkip.

gov.ua/news/8390.html, [accessed: 22.09.2022].

90 Oleksii Valevskyi

values, and political and ideological stances. It is natural for any society to have

a variety of political attitudes and ideological preferences in the social consciousness.

However, the conditions of pre-war Ukraine were characterised by the fact that po-

litical forces, in order to secure electoral support, in some places deliberately fuelled

these dierences and articially created confrontations on ideological grounds. This

was particularly evident in the confrontation between the East-South and Mid-West

regions. In reality, the political process took place as a long-term rivalry between

the parties controlling the electorate of the south-eastern and mid-western regions. Many

times this rivalry went beyond electoral contests and threatened destructive conicts.

This, in turn, led to political authorities and institutions operating under conditions of

low trust of the population in them, which in many respects made social and economic

reforms impossible. Under these conditions, the phenomenon of so-called “negative

consolidation” gradually took shape in the public consciousness, when citizens were

united by a negative attitude towards the activities of state bodies, political parties

or individual politicians.

The aforementioned contradictions of the pre-war period appeared to have been

oset by military aggression. Particular attention has therefore been paid to factors

that indicate the consolidation of Ukrainian society with regard to democratic values

and the course of European integration. Before the military aggression, such a high

degree of consolidation simply did not exist.

However, it cannot be stated unequivocally that these value transformations have

become irreversible. You can agree that there is a “high probability of new socio-

political divisions associated with numerous human losses, migrations, mass impov-

erishment, etc. Therefore, it is of utmost importance that Ukraine prepares the neces-

sary safeguards in advance in order not to fall back into identity conicts, now on

the basis of new demarcation lines.”14 The war is not over yet, there is a dicult post-

war period ahead with the need to overcome social and psychological trauma. Thus,

the examination of social consolidation is not yet over. The social and state stability

achieved should become the basis for both overcoming aggression and rebuilding

the economy, social relations and cultural development.

It can be argued that the high degree of consolidation around the state policy

of resistance and the course of European integration are signs of the transition

of Ukrainian society to a qualitatively new level of development. It is clear

that this transition requires Ukraine’s political class to create an institutional basis for

social, political and economic relations aimed at reinforcing the changes registered

by sociological research. The complexity of these tasks actually creates the impor-

tance of identity politics.

Ukraine’s political class is taking the rst steps in this direction. In particular, at-

tention should be paid to the Law of Ukraine on the Basic Principles of State Policy

on the Formation of Ukrainian National and Civic Identity, adopted in December

14 Zelenko, G., Kononenko, N., How Russian military aggression changed the political identity of

Ukrainians, National Security and Defence, no. 3–4, 2022.

Dynamics of Change in the Political Identity of Ukrainians as a Result of the War with Russia

2022.15 This law denes the mechanisms for the implementation of identity policy

and the key indicators of its eectiveness, and the powers and directions of action

of state and local government bodies in the implementation of identity policy.

In the context of the issues addressed in this article, it is worth noting that the law

states that “The aim of the state policy on the formation of Ukrainian national and

civic identity is to achieve the unity of Ukrainian society by overcoming social

contradictions of a cultural, linguistic, regional nature on the basis of the European

and Euro-Atlantic course, ensuring compliance with the constitutional guarantees

of human and civil rights and freedoms.”

Identity politics is thus related to the need to strengthen the consolidation of so-

ciety by overcoming various contradictions in society on the basis of the European

integration course. This, in turn, means mastering the complex of values and social

practices that are associated with the concept of “European identity”.

Conclusions

1. Public opinion polls conducted after the start of Russia’s military aggression

against Ukraine show the destruction of established identity markers of Ukrainians

inherited from the post-Soviet era. At the same time, there was unprecedented sup-

port for attitudes indicating support for inclusive, pro-Western, vectors of social

development.

This nding is important in the sense that Ukrainian society has long suered

from various regional, linguistic and political contradictions and divisions. This, in

turn, has led to political authorities and institutions operating under conditions of

low trust of the population in them, which in many respects has prevented social

and economic reforms. As a result, a phenomenon of so-called “negative consolidation”

arose in society, which was based not so much on support for certain perceived social

goals and values, but on negative perceptions of political actors. This “negative con-

solidation” has been largely fuelled by certain political factions for decades, hindering

the implementation of eective social and economic policies.

2. Russia’s military invasion was the impetus behind the consolidation of Ukrainian

society and the creation of new identity value structures for Ukrainian citizens. Many

layers of the population had to abandon familiar values inherited from the Soviet era.

In particular, the so-called Eurasian vector of integration, on which pro-Russian po-

litical parties speculated, eventually lost supporters. The results of current sociologi-

cal research convincingly point to the destruction of the myths of the post-Soviet past.

Regional dierences in support for the basic foundations of state policy, in particular

the construction of a democratic system and the state-led course of European integra-

tion, have also blurred.

15 The Law of Ukraine "On the Basic Principles of State Policy in the Field of Arming

Ukrainian National and Civil Identity&quot, https://itd.rada.gov.ua/billInfo/Bills/pubFile/1585

134, [accessed: 22.08.2022].

92 Oleksii Valevskyi

3. The turnaround in the formation of a renewed identity for Ukrainians that took

place in a short period of time was in many ways caused by destructive Russian propa-

ganda, justifying armed aggression with eorts to impose a “Russian peace”, as well

as a policy of genocide in the occupied territory. Millions of Ukrainians clearly faced

the threat of losing their own state and identity.

At the same time, it is important to note that the rationale for the formation of a re-

newed identity has evolved throughout the years of the country’s independence, starting

in 1991. This rationale was the result of years of eorts by advocates of the European

vector of development among political forces and civil society institutions.

4. Although the transformation of values in social consciousness registered

by sociological studies indicates the destruction of many ideologies inherited from

the post-Soviet past, it cannot be stated unequivocally that the values and norms on

which the European community is based, in particular the rule of law and respect

for human rights, have become irreversible. Since the factors contributing to the destruc-

tion of the socio-cultural identity have not disappeared, in particular the psychological

traumas caused by military aggression, the destruction of the economy, mass migration

and the spread of poverty etc., it is not possible to say that the European community

has become irreversible. Thus, the examination of social consolidation is not yet over.

Therefore, there is a need for state humanitarian and cultural work aimed at fostering

new trends in the formation of the identity of Ukrainian citizens.

5. Despite the support of the State course of European integration, in the public

consciousness there remains a decit of understanding of the content of many norms

on which the European community was founded (human rights, rule of law, etc.).

So on the agenda is the task of shaping identity politics, one of whose priorities should

be the mastery of pan-European values and social practices.

The Ukrainian political class and leadership establishment face the task of creat-

ing a model of post-war social development, a new strategic project of state policy,

preserving the consolidation potential and strengthening the identity value structures

of Ukrainian society.

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